Monday, 16 May 2011

The AHRC and the "Big Society" (III)

This is almost getting too silly for words. In the latest issue of the Times Higher Professor Rick Rylance has defended the use of the language of the "big society" in the delivery plan of the AHRC once again. It has to be said, however, that the kind of defence offered is such as almost to make further attack unnecessary. Firstly, the defence is that whilst the notion of the "big society" was once a slogan attached to a particular political party, it is now, apparently, a legitimate area of research for the humanities given that it has become public policy. The suggestion appears to be that when something that was party political in an election campaign is subsequently adopted in government it has ceased to be a party political matter. This is surely a new view of the relationship between parties, policies and research!


The second "point" in favour is that Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg apparently made a statement eliding the "big society" with a number of other words, including the word "liberalism" and this apparently shows for sure that the term "big society" has no specific party political content. The fact that Clegg could make such an astoundingly stupid comment does not licence Professor Rylance to retail it further. It remains a stupid comment, no matter how often repeated or by whom. The fact that the leader of one of the two parties in the Coalition (a party that did not previously tout the idea of the "big society") has now adopted the language of the other party in the Coalition hardly shows that the phrase in question has ceased to have political content.


Thirdly, Rylance claims that the phrase "big society" found its way into what he terms the "grey literature" which is, apparently, a place where advocacy and research literature get bound up together. Whatever the "grey literature" is it would appear to belong within the province of social science and not humanities so it is again unclear how this reference is supposed to produce an argument for the AHRC's research mission statement.


Finally, Rylance ends his piece by stating that adoption of the language of the government of the day does not imply support for their specific policies and it is a "caricature" to speak as though it does. The fact that there is a difference between the general language of the "big society" and specific proposals in support of it is true. However, it is also the case that the notion of the "big society" does indicate a particular attitude towards government and civil society and this attitude is not politically neutral. There could be research into why politicians adopt such phrases and into what is meant by focusing on them. That would be fair but to adopt the language itself as if it were neutral between approaches to social policy is hardly to manifest such neutrality, it speaks bias and Professor Rylance seems to wish the rest of us to think that it doesn't.




Monday, 9 May 2011

Rawls' Two Principles of Justice

The bulk of Chapter 2 of A Theory of Justice is taken up with discussion of Rawls' two principles of justice. The two principles are, however, refined over the course of the discussion that Rawls has of them. So, when they are first introduced in section 11 it is only in a provisional and tentative form, with a revision emerging of the second principle already in section 13 and the final version of the two principles not being given until section 46, which is in Chapter 5! It is also not until section 39, also in Chapter 5, that Rawls gives a fuller defence of the priority of the first principle over the second one. 


With all these provisos in place I intend in this posting to discuss the preliminary account of the two principles in sections 11-13, from the first tentative formulation to the revision of the second principle in the latter section. The first statement of the two principles in section 11 is as follows:


"First: each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive scheme of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar scheme of liberties for others.
Second: social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both (a) reasonably expected to be to everyone's advantage, and (b) attached to positions and offices open to all."


So the first principle specifies an equality of access to basic liberties and the second, more complicated principle, refers to two limitations on inequality, the first limitation concerning a form of recognition of prudential concerns and the second referring to openness of offices. Rawls immediately indicates, however, that the second principle is ambiguously formulated which is why it becomes necessary to determine the sense of the principle more carefully, leading to its reformulation in section 13.


The principles are principles of social justice and are meant to apply to the "basic structure" of society as indicated in  section 10. The formulation of the principles helps, however, to understand the nature of this "basic structure" somewhat more fully as the two principles show that this structure has distinguishable parts as some elements of it are concerned with liberties and others with inequalities. The basic liberties specified by the first principle are said to be given in a "list" and whilst some parts of this list are standard (freedom of speech and assembly for instance), others are rather more expansive and would take a lot more working out than is just given by listing them (such as freedom from "psychological oppression"). 


The second principle has caused much wider debate and controversy than the first despite the fact, as just indicated, that the first refers to a list of liberties that are far from all standard or clearly formulated. The second principle applies to distribution of income and wealth and to "the design of organizations that make use of differences in authority and responsibility". It is this reference to "differences in authority and responsibility" that is the first clue to how part of the second principle will subsequently be labelled the "difference principle".  The second part of the second principle indicating the openness of offices is also indicated by Rawls to be the means of application of the second principle suggesting that the division of the two parts of its formulation is due to the first part defining a general meaning or sense of the principle whilst the second part defines its application, a suggestion we will have to further test.


The principles are also given in a serial order with the suggestion that the first principle is prior to the second and hence that justifying the ordering of the principles will be Rawls' way of responding to intuitionist scepticism. The point of this ordering is to say that violation of the equal provision of liberties cannot be compensated for by means of greater social or economic advantages (a kind of riposte to the Leninist view that increases of equality make up for deprivation of freedoms). However, adding to questions about the understanding of the first principle is Rawls' point that it is possible for the basic liberties to conflict with each other and, due to this point, it turns out that none of the specific basic liberties is absolute. Nothing is said, however, about rules for priority in relation to such clashes of basic liberties. Further, other liberties which are generally recognised are not to be understood on Rawls' construal as "basic" and this includes freedom of contract, at least as understood by "the doctrine of laissez-faire". This restriction on liberties that indicates some are not "basic" requires further argument.


Rawls also suggests that the two principles are a special case of a "more general conception of justice" and this more general conception is specified as follows:


"All social values-liberty and opportunity, income and wealth, and the social bases of self-respect-are to be distributed equally unless an unequal distribution of any, or all, of these values is to everyone's advantage."


This "general" conception is still defined in social terms so is perhaps the general principle of social justice as far as Rawls is concerned and it is, noticeably, defined in egalitarian form. It still also contains the prudential reference that was noted above to be part of the second principle. The notion of injustice also emerges in a suitably general form once we have this formulation as indicative of the presence of inequalities that do not have general benefit. The vagueness of the formulation requires Rawls to begin the refinement of the position up to this point.


The beginning of this refinement is to introduce the notion of "primary goods" that are distributed by the "basic structure" of society and are indicated by Rawls to be "things that every rational man is presumed to want". Note the great generality of this description. However, as warned back in section 9, Rawls proceeds by simplifying assumptions and here the assumption is that there are "chief" primary goods (the primary "primary goods") and they are "rights, liberties, and opportunities, and income and wealth" although a promissory note is indicated that in the third part of the work self-respect will also emerge as having a central place.


The point about the "chief" primary goods is that they are social in character and distinct from such "natural" primary goods as health as the latter are not so directly under the control of the basic structure (although provision of means to ensure good health as an equally available primary good surely does relate to matters over which the "basic structure" has control). 


Having introduced the notion of social primary goods Rawls next asks us to imagine an initial arrangement where all these goods were equally distributed. The question in relation to this situation is whether there are means of ensuring that there are improvements for all that could be made upon it. Given the lexical priority of the two principles this could not involve violations of the first principle being accepted in return for improvements in general equality but there is nothing to prevent acceptance of some forms of inequality if they would render the liberties of the first principle more generally available in practice. 


Interestingly, Amartya Sen, in his recent book The Idea of Justice has objected to the priority given to the first principle on the basis of its alleged extremity but Rawls already indicates in section 11 that he understands that the initial response to the lexical priority of the first principle might take this form and he refers forward again to section 82, part of the very last chapter of the book (Chapter IX) where a reply is allegedly given to this type of objection.


Given that the two principles of justice are meant to apply to the "basic structure" they are institutional principles. So the basic liberties define "public rules" and the reference to "persons" is meant to indicate "representative persons". The description of "persons" in this way has particular importance in relation to the second principle as Rawls takes it to mean that it is possible (and, presumably, desirable) to "assign an expectation of well-being to representative individuals". This notion is one that evidently requires a lot more work, particularly given its general association with utilitarianism. However, the reference to "representative individuals" is also meant to rule out application of the principle to specific cases as might well be required by acts of charity (rather than justice). This is part of the limitation on the scope of intuition which tends to relate much more to individuals in a specifically particular rather than a representative sense.


The understanding of the second principle requires, however, much more deliberate attention and Rawls begins to provide this in section 12 when he addresses different interpretations of the second principle. The ambiguities he recognised in the formulation of the second principle lead him to consider possible interpretations of what could be meant by both the prudential reference of the second principle and by the notion of openness of offices. The notion of openness of offices is understood to be capable of being understood either as requiring that "careers are open to talents" or that there is "equality of fair opportunity". Similarly the prudential reference to "everyone's advantage" could produce either a principle of efficiency or a difference principle.


Rawls tabulates these possibilities so that a combination of the openness to offices principle understood as openness to talents with the principle of efficiency would produce a system of "natural liberty". By contrast, if the principle of careers open to talents was combined with the difference principle we would have a "natural aristocracy". By contrast, the principle of equality of fair opportunity, if combined with the principle of efficiency would give "liberal equality" and, if combined with the difference principle, would give "democratic equality".


The combination that Rawls prefers is that of equality of fair opportunity with the difference principle, this is the formulation of the second principle that he wants us to accept. However, whilst this is the view that he wants us to take, the full argument for this requires reference to the original position and this reference does not happen until Chapter 3. So, once again, the argument here for rejection of the other interpretations of the two parts of the second principle, is not fully given as yet. It is only if the parties to the original position have structural reasons for rejecting the other interpretations of it that Rawls has here given that the conception of democratic equality should be accepted.


All interpretations of the second principle looked at assume acceptance of the first principle and this is taken by Rawls to suggest a basic free market system is adopted in practice (though without decision being required concerning the ownership of the means of production). To assess both the systems of natural liberty and those of liberal equality it is necessary to have a sense of the principle of efficiency and Rawls explains this as Pareto optimality. The problem with this principle, as far as Rawls is concerned, is that there are many efficient arrangements and the problem is how to choose between them. To do so requires going beyond the criteria of efficiency itself. 


In the system of natural liberty the principle of efficiency is constrained by formal equality of opportunity so that all have the same legal access to all positions. But this system does not have any means of ensuring that there is any similarity, let alone equality, between parties and is thus vulnerable to natural and social contingencies as determinative of all outcomes and this is taken by Rawls to mean that outcomes are determined by factors that are morally arbitrary. This argument is part of the source of the "luck egalitarian" interpretation of Rawls. 


The notion of "liberal equality" is one that intends to correct the determination of outcomes by natural and social contingencies that is the  basic mechanism of rewards in the system of natural liberty. This is done by the invocation of the principle of fair equality of opportunity. It basically suggests that for offices to be truly open there must be an effort to ensure that there are equal life chances. Hence we get something like a meritocratic system as the meaning of liberal equality (which was described by Henry Sidgwick as "ideal equality"). However even though the liberal conception is preferable to that of natural liberty in aiming to eliminate social contingencies it does nothing to affect natural contingencies having great weight. One of the reasons why natural contingencies would continue to have weight is also revealing, namely, that the continued existence of the family in the liberal notion ensures the importance of such contingencies. This almost suggests a communist element in Rawls' view and is certainly a further source for the luck egalitarian understanding of A Theory of Justice.


Natural aristocracy is not given much space as a conception by Rawls as it involves only formal equality of opportunity though it is meant to limit the goods available to those best placed in relation to ideals of service. Both liberal equality and natural aristocracy are viewed by Rawls as unstable as they are dependent on natural contingencies which are bound to be problematic morally. 


Given these assessments Rawls' preference for the notion of democratic equality emerges as a default position. However, the account of it has to include a defence of the difference principle, a principle meant to make the principle of efficiency more determinate. This involves the argument concerning incentives that Gerry Cohen has subjected to various objections in a number of publications as here Rawls indicates that the basis of inequality has to include the sense that lesser equality is justified if more equality would make everyone worse off. This conflicts directly with the "luck egalitarian" reading of A Theory of Justice. Interestingly, in defending the difference principle as a corrective to the principle of efficiency, Rawls concedes that the difference principle is intended to be a "maximising principle" and is hence part of his alternative to the principle of utility. The result of the discussion in section 13 is a reformulation of the second principle as follows:


"Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both (a) to the greatest expected benefit of the least advantaged and (b) attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity."


Now the first part of the second principle has been understood as the difference principle and the second part as the principle of fair equality of opportunity. The difference principle's meaning is very carefully explained: "it applies primarily to the basic structure of society via representative individuals whose expectations are to be estimated by an index of primary goods". 

Sunday, 8 May 2011

Rawls and the Theory of Institutions

The second chapter of A Theory of Justice has a preliminary opening that operates as a kind of "preface" to the chapter and it is this preface that I want to post on today since the majority of the chapter is included in the sections of the book that the original preface to the whole work set out as central to it. Those sections (11-17) which make up the majority of the chapter concern the two principles of justice and much needs to be said about them. However, before those sections open Rawls includes first a general outline of the chapter, which is very short and then a section (10) in which there is a general account of two sorts of theory that relate to institutions as well as a brief discussion of the contrast between formal and substantive justice.


The general preface to Chapter 2 makes apparent that there are, on Rawls' view, two parts to the theory of justice. The first part concerns an interpretation of the initial situation (the original position) which will be the subject of Chapter 3 and the second part concerns an argument establishing which principles would be adopted in this situation. Oddly Rawls treats the latter before the former. This is odd since the full argument for adopting the principles evidently cannot be given prior to the discussion of the original position so the formulation of the principles of justice in this chapter must be preliminary and yet it is still thought worthwhile, for reasons as yet unclear, to treat them before the formal constraints of the original position are introduced. The point of Chapter 2 as a whole is also said to be to "explain the meaning and application" of the principles, two presumably distinct tasks.


After this introductory paragraph of the whole chapter section 10 opens which is the first full section of Chapter 2. Rawls opens this chapter with his general statement that the "primary subject of the principles of social justice is the basic structure of society", a statement followed by an interpretation of the meaning of "basic structure" as consisting in the "arrangement of major social institutions into one scheme of cooperation". So if the "basic structure" consists of the "major social institutions" it is not surprising to find that Rawls does need to discuss the meaning of the term "institution". The "rights and duties" applicable to these institutions are taken to determine the general appropriate distribution of "benefits and burdens" in social life as a whole. But the principles which apply to institutions are also distinct from those that relate to individuals (as becomes further apparent in the final two sections of Chapter 2 where Rawls looks, after the principal business of the chapter has been concluded, at principles for individuals).


After making these general points distinguishing principles for institutions from principles for individuals on the one hand and defining the primary subject of justice in relation to major institutions on the other Rawls turns to one of the two primary points of section 10, namely the provision of what turns into a two-fold discussion of the "theory" of institutions. The first type of "theory" emerges as Rawls describes and defines the nature of what he means by an "institution". An institution is, he says, "a public system of rules which defines offices and positions" along with attendant rights, duties and so on. The rules in question distinguish between what is allowed and what is forbidden and indicate penalties if the rules are breached. At this point Rawls is describing institutions in a very general way as inclusive of such things as rituals. However, the elaboration of the account of institutions next goes in two distinct directions. 


The first direction concerns the distinction between institutions considered abstractly and institutions concerned concretely. An abstract conception of institutions relates only to "possible" forms of conduct and thought whilst a concrete one deals with the realization of the institution. Although it is possible to describe both abstract and concrete forms of "institution" as just or unjust it is, in ordinary discussion, the concrete forms that attract most attention though the important point here is that if an abstract notion of an institution is unjust then this would vitiate any possible attempt to realize it, not just some specific way in which it had been realized. The understanding of concrete institutions is illustrated by Rawls' example of parliaments which are governed by certain rules in which general norms are meant to cohere together in an overall scheme. This example is specifically used by analogy with H.L.A. Hart's description of a legal system. 


This first division of the subject is only of serious interest in that Rawls describes the general usage of just or unjust as applied to concrete institutions as the "best" use of the terms in relation to institutions, an odd view given that it is basically abstract institutions that we would be expecting from his own theory. More importantly than this peculiar point, however, is that the general description of an institution as a public system of rules allows Rawls, for the first time, to really say something about publicity. The sense that an institution is such a public system leads Rawls to assimilate the general notion of an institution to that of a contract. This is despite the fact that Rawls is aware that it is a "simplifying assumption" in relation to actual institutions (and it is to the latter that appellations of just or unjust would be "best" applied).


It is through the publicity of the rules in question that a general epistemic result is achieved: that of ensuring the norms expected of those engaged in its running are known to those so engaged. Now, if the institution in question belonged also to a "well-ordered society" (was, in this sense, an "abstract" one) then there would follow from this epistemic result "a public understanding of what is just and unjust". This is why when the following chapter deals with the constraints of right one of these is a principle of publicity and Rawls thus ties publicity and justice very closely together (at least in ideal theory).


Having made the distinction between abstract and concrete institutions Rawls has effectively made clear the basis for the former's theory of institutions to reside in a clear commitment to publicity and in this sense the discussion here parallels the Kantian account of publicity in Perpetual Peace. Having done this, however, the second sense of a "theory" of institutions comes into view in the section. Rawls borrows from John Searle a distinction between "constitutive rules" and "strategies and maxims". According to this distinction the institution is established by means of rules that broadly define rights and duties but the strategies and maxims relate to how the institution is used by those who belong to it. The latter are not themselves "part" of the institution but are said instead to be part of its "theory". In saying the strategies and maxims are part of the "theory" of the institution Rawls is using the term "theory" in a specific way and in a way that is distinct from the way we might think of the discussion of institutions up until this point in section 10 as indicative of a "theory" of institutions.


If the distinction between abstract and concrete institutions and the general definition of an institution as a "public system of rules" is indicative of a kind of "theory" of institutions then it is not a "theory" that is at work primarily in relation to how the members of an institution work within it. It is rather what one might call a "theoretician's theory" of the institution whilst the strategies and maxims adopted within the institution are, by contrast, indicative of a "practitioners theory". The "practitioners" have a theory of the institution in the sense that they want to work out how best to live and thrive within it, a "theory" that we might think of as a way of governing one's prudential and moral conduct within the institution's orbit. Such practitioners are not interested in the "constitutive" rules of the institution themselves except in relation to utilising them for their own ends (which may or may not be the "ends" of the institution itself). Further the general rules of the institution may encourage behaviours in its members that are far from being those which it was intended the institution should further. This is indicative of one of the problems of social reform since the ways in which practitioners' theories will develop would have to be taken careful account of by anyone who wished to alter the constitutive rules of an institution. As Rawls puts this: "The conduct of individuals guided by their rational plans should be coordinated as far as possible to achieve results which although not intended or perhaps even foreseen by them are nevertheless the best ones from the standpoint of social justice". So the point of the way the institution is set up would be to produce an end much like the one Adam Smith attributed to the market as one in which the rational and prudential aims of individuals tended to converge with what was socially best on the whole without it being necessary that the end of producing such a result be itself required to be adopted by anyone in particular. This "hidden hand" would be, as it were, built into the institution or such is the aim of social reform to help bring this about.


Having set out first the distinction between abstract and concrete institutions and then having made the distinction between two types of theory of institutions Rawls next looks at the different ways institutions could be unjust. The point made here is that institutions are not necessarily in themselves unjust as such just because some of the rules by which they operate are. It is also possible, within a social system, that the injustices of some institutions are outweighed by the virtues of others or compensated in some way by the latter. Finally a social system could be unjust even though none of the specific institutions making it up was as a result of something in the combination of these parts together. 


Having made these general remarks about the different possible scopes of application of the notion of just or unjust in relation to institutions Rawls mentions, but only to discard, a  possible meaning of a "theory" of justice as a way of articulating again his own conception of a "theory" of it. Rituals are, as Rawls puts it, not usually regarded as being in themselves just although they clearly are types of institution, so would belong within what he terms a "general" theory of institutions. But this "general" theory which might be part of a very general account of "justice" is not what Rawls wants to present as he is only concerned with the "basic structure" of society and therefore with what he terms "the standard cases of social justice".


So the "theory" of justice is a "theory" of social justice, a type of theory that emerges from a restricted (and not a "general") theory of institutions. In this "theory" the emphasis is on the "basic structure" and its rules. The "basic structure", to emphasize again, concerns the "fundamental rights and duties" and therefore the "division of advantages from social cooperation". Now, given this account, any social system one can imagine will be governed by the rules of its "basic structure" and hence will enshrine a certain type of conception of justice even if the general conception in question is not manifestly visible at all times or to all peoples (since the society may not be that well-ordered and so may not adhere very clearly or consistently to a principle of publicity).


Within the general conception of any given basic structure it is to be expected that there could, even within a set-up that was in many ways "unjust", be a commitment to impartial application of the rules by which institutions are governed. If a commitment to such impartial administration did exist then the institutions would therefore treat similar cases in a similar way. Such a view of justice, based on the impartial and consistent application of the norms in question, is presented by Rawls as a "formal" conception of it. "If we think of justice as always expressing a kind of equality, then formal justice requires that in their administration laws and institutions should apply equally (that is, in the same way) to those belonging to the classes defined by them."


This formal conception of justice that Rawls here entertains is taken, as we discovered the notion of "classical utilitarianism" was, from Sidgwick. Such a formal notion of justice is also described by Rawls as "adherence to principle" or "obedience to system" (and these characterisations perhaps have ominous echoes of the "Eichmann defence" from his infamous trial). This conception is clearly insufficient to prevent injustice since discrimination between groups, even to the point of slavery, is quite consistent with it. Rawls also describes formal justice as "justice as regularity". Although it is clearly a conception that appears problematic it is not true that the notion of it does not have important things to it that are worth consideration since the commitment to impartiality embedded in its application rules out corruption of officials. Consistency of application further ensures that even unjust rules create stable patterns of expectations which prevents arbitrary rule. 


This discussion of formal justice is the final subject of section 10 and it ends with an inconclusive contrast being drawn between formal and substantive notions of justice. The reason why this contrast emerges is due to the allegation (made by Lon Fuller amongst others) that a purely formal system of justice could never (or very rarely) be administrated impartially. The nature of discriminatory institutions set up to serve some at the expense of others is such that the practitioners theory of those running such institutions would be one that permitted them to alter constitutive rules as they saw fit and hence could not create stable patterns of expectations. Such an accusation is akin to Kant's remark, again in Perpetual Peace, that non-republican systems of government ("despotisms" as he termed them) are essentially without form. Holding such a view effectively leads to the conception that the "formal" conception of justice indicates something like a state of nature in operation.


Under the objection Fuller made to the "formal conception" of justice there is an indication of a need for law-makers and leaders of institutions to be required to commit to a conception of justice in order for the institutions to have any way of even meeting truly formal requirements as are expressed in the notion of the Rule of Law. On this kind of view it is only if there is a substantive notion of justice that legislators are tied to that the possibilities of impartial administration can be satisfied. However although Rawls mentions this view of Fuller's here (a view that we have seen as having a formal connection to Kant's view) he does not investigate its contentions at this point. Rather the section concludes with the argument that the Fuller view can only be assessed after the work of the rest of Chapter 2 and the whole of Chapter 3 has been done. So Rawls here sets down a promissory note indicating that the Fuller view will be returned to and assessed but only after the real subject of justice in Rawls' own view has been suitably addressed in sufficient detail.

Wednesday, 4 May 2011

Rawls, Intuitionism and the Priority Problem

The final three sections of the first chapter of A Theory of Justice all concern, in one way or another, the question of how to establish rules of priority between distinct principles of justice. It is in this context that Rawls discusses intuitionism, which is treated exclusively as a sceptical doctrine asserting the impossibility of arriving at any such priority rules and appealing only to an ill-defined notion of "intuition" when confronted with such problems.


There are two points to make about these final sections of the first chapter. The first point is that this is a very odd view of intuitionism, the second concerns the constructive case Rawls gives here for responding to the putative sceptical challenge posed by intuitionism. It is in the seventh section of the first chapter that Rawls discusses intuitionism. However, whilst the view of utilitarianism presented in the previous two sections drew essentially on Henry Sidgwick's account of utilitarianism, it is not the case that there is a parallel source for Rawls' view of intuitionism. In a footnote Rawls refers to a series of sources for his conception of intuitionism as basically a sceptical view of priority rules but none of these are classic intuitionist texts. The latter are also mentioned by Rawls but only as sources for the epistemic view of intuitionism that he basically leaves aside. The view that the right or the good is unanalyzable, questions of self-evidence, the status of prima facie duties as a specific class of duties, all these issues are left aside so Rawls gives instead a "broad sense" of the doctrine that becomes equivalent to pluralism in the sense that it recognises a plurality of first principles (but fails to offer a means of setting them in priority formations). 


In presenting intuitionism in this way Rawls certainly does the doctrine a disservice. Interestingly, Sidgwick, by contrast, effectively conflated intuitionism with common sense morality and then argued for the need for a higher principle than common sense morality in the form of the principle of utility. If Rawls had adopted a similar stance towards intuitionism then his treatment of it could have echoed Kant's reply to the common view of morality as presented in the first section of the Groundwork. There are traces of an approach of this sort as when Rawls considers the example of fair wages and relates this to everyday ideas of justice concluding: "To reach some measure of understanding and agreement which goes beyond a mere de facto resolution of competing interests and a reliance on existing conventions and established expectations, it is necessary to move to a more general scheme for determining the balance of precepts, or at least for confining it within narrower limits". Here we have a clear echo of the Sidgwick approach which does bear a close relation to Kant's response in Groundwork I.


However, despite this echo, the main point of Rawls' response to intuitionism is in terms of the sceptical challenge it is alleged to pose. In relation to such a challenge the key point is to present the criteria that enable priority rules to be given. So, in treating intuitionism primarily as a sceptical doctrine Rawls simply sets it up as a foil that enables the constructive case to get going. In doing this Rawls indicates the key point is how to limit the appeal to intuition, just as, in his setting out of the priority of the right over the good, he aimed at undercutting the appeal to given desires as valuable in themselves.


There are three ways that Rawls aims to limit the appeal to intuition. The first point relates to the choice situation that is the "original position". In the "original position" part of the point is to abstract away from principles that may seem intuitively plausible given a certain place in society so here the appeal to intuition is treated as a kind of social prejudice (echoes again here of Sidgwick). Rather than rest on appeals to self-evidence we take a choice situation in which the abstraction involved prevents us from being able to make assumptions grounded in a social "common sense" that may be variable given different roles. So the first way of limiting intuition is through utilisation of the "original position" and this utilisation has precisely the same kind of point as the priority of the right over the good, namely, it eliminates the ability to appeal to something currently existent as a value.


The second way of appealing to intuition is to present a case for treating principles in order, to present a response, that is, to the priority problem of a sort that the sceptic has deemed impossible. If the principles really can be shown to have a lexical ordering then one would only invoke some of them in situations where the others are sufficiently satisfied (again, a structural point comparable to the priority of the right over the good). Clearly this assumes, at this stage, something that the sceptical intuitionist has called into doubt and so does not reply to this doubt but does indicate a way we can expect the priority problem to be tackled by means of showing the grounds for lexical priority of some principles at the cost of others.


Thirdly, dependence on intuition can be reduced by introducing prudential considerations in place of moral ones. This appears an odd way of limiting appeal to intuition. However, what Rawls means by it is less peculiar than his formulation might suggest. This concerns the appeal to the standard of the "representative person" and asking whether it is more rational to prefer one type of arrangement or another. This appeal does not eliminate intuition but it does re-describe its scope since the standard of such a person is adopted in a generic way and this is what leads to the diminution of simple moral points being made.


The final section of the chapter reverts to making some general remarks about moral theory, remarks that re-treat in part the initial paper Rawls wrote on decision procedures in ethics. This involves appealing to the notion that each person develops a sense of justice with relation to intellectual maturity and then describes a conception of justice as something that characterizes our moral sensibility. Given that this is the role of the conception of justice there is a basic claim that common sense morality, by virtue of its lack of systematic character, does not really comprehend the sense of justice that it displays. (So here again we have a parallel to Sidgwick's response to intuitionism and Kant's to common morality.)


After making this negative comment Rawls introduces, for the first time in the book, the notion of "reflective equilibrium". The point of introducing it is related to the previous description of the reason for moral theory: "From the standpoint of moral theory, the best account of a person's sense of justice is not the one which fits his judgments prior to his examining any conception of justice, but rather the one which matches his judgments in reflective equilibrium". What goes on in reflective equilibrium is the consideration of one's basic principles in relation to an account of them that leads to their systematisation. 


However, after this first pass at the notion of "reflective equilibrium" has been made Rawls goes on to look at other interpretations of it as an idea. The idea varies depending upon whether one is presented with descriptions (or theories) that vary from one's practice in only minor detail or whether there is instead a much more comprehensive and wide-ranging consideration of theories and descriptions of one's moral sense. The latter is clearly what is generally at work in moral theory. What this shows for Rawls is that the theory that needs to be considered is "a theory of the moral sentiments", a key point that will be returned to in detail in subsequent parts of the book. However such an account has to use "contingent assumptions and general facts", not merely definitions and references to logic (which latter is treated by Rawls as if it were exhaustive of the "a priori"). Again, in adopting this standard Rawls aligns his enquiry with that of Sidgwick.

Tuesday, 3 May 2011

Rawls and "Classical Utilitarianism" (II)

In a recent posting I looked at Rawls' critical response to utilitarianism in the fifth section of the first chapter of A Theory of Justice. However, the reply to "classical utilitarianism" carries on after this fifth section into the sixth section. Whilst the discussion in the sixth section does repeat some of the motifs of the fifth section, particularly the claim concerning utilitarianism abstracting from the separateness of persons, it also expands the contrast set out in the previous section between utilitarianism and justice as fairness.

The first contrast Rawls draws in the sixth section is between the two theories' response to common sense morality. Again, as was pointed out in the previous posting, Rawls has Sidgwick implicitly in mind here given that the Methods of Ethics took seriously from the first the notion of "common sense morality". Naturally Rawls' response to the challenge of common sense morality differs from that of Sidgwick since Rawls assumes that justice as fairness can take the claims of common sense morality more seriously than can utilitarianism. The main reason given for taking this to be true is that the convictions of common sense morality concerning justice are assumed to be consequences of the principles that would be chosen in the original position. This assumption is quite different from the utilitarian one which adopts the more empiricist argument of viewing common sense morality as having a generic good function even though the rules of it are secondary to those of utilitarianism. (Rawls does not here invoke the general "Government House" conception that Sidgwick adheres to of taking the dictates of common sense morality to be ones that might be publicly adhered to whilst secretly one is committed to utilitarianism. Given Rawls' own conviction of the importance of the publicity of principles of justice and the way this conception cuts directly against requirements of common sense morality we have here a stronger argument for viewing justice as fairness as taking common sense morality more seriously than utilitarianism than Rawls gives in the text!)

The second contrast between justice as fairness and utilitarianism is the more familiar one that suggests the contractarian nature of the former is effectively more social in form than the principle of the latter given that the latter extends the principle of choice for one man to the whole of society. This contrast invokes the charge of abstraction from the separateness of persons against utilitarianism and so is simply a restatement of the argument of the fifth section.

The third contrast invokes the distinction between deontological and teleological approaches to ethics, a contrast related to the question of the priority of the right over the good or vice versa. The sense in which justice as fairness is a deontological view is specified here as being that it does not interpret the right as maximising the good. Whilst this point is familiar in some respects the means by which Rawls defends it in this sixth section is unexpected. It concerns the manner in which the good is taken to be prior to the right by utilitarians. If the utilitarian theory is viewed as giving priority to the good over the right the natural question arises concerning what the good is taken to be by this theory. Here Rawls makes the key point that the good is simply assumed to be that which is desired. In other terms, whatever is desired would appear to have value so the question of maximisation arises due to a prior commitment to this conflation of the good with the desirable. It is natural to wish to maximise the desirable and if the good is viewed through the prism of the desirable then the maximisation strategy is intuitively plausible as a whole.

However, following Kant's argument concerning the nature of happiness, Rawls does not accept a prima facie value as attached to whatever is desired. Rather, Rawls takes it to be the case that only that which matches the principles of right has value. The principle of right restricts (and thereby realises) what can be taken to be good. This is the point of the notion of the priority of the right over the good: the right provides us with formal characteristics that have to be satisfied in order that something can be taken to be good. In lieu of these being satisfied you merely have something that some may wish for but not something that has any status of value as such. As Rawls puts this: "desires and aspirations are restricted from the outset by the principles of justice which specify the boundaries that men's systems of ends must respect". So only certain kinds of ends will be taken seriously as only these ends are worthy of being taken seriously (just as Kant writes that it is only under certain conditions that one is "worthy of" happiness).

Because of the way the contrast between utilitarianism and justice as fairness has here been characterised the priority of the right over the good becomes clarified as central to the conception of justice that justice as fairness elaborates. It has a moral ideal that guides the selection of any possible end as being acceptable as a value and there is therefore no value in a basic sense prior to the formal criteria of right. This second set of contrasts hence makes much clearer the core conceptions of justice as fairness.

Saturday, 30 April 2011

The Monarchy and the "Left" Blogs

For those of any kind of republican disposition, whether mild or fierce, the last few days in the UK have been depressing. Not only has the Royal Wedding of William and Catherine (or "WC" to their friends) been so widely and comprehensively played and replayed across the air-waves and all attempts at dissent resolutely and comprehensively crushed but there has been a parallel corralling of even normally dissident media to adopt the same view. All the three major apparently "Left" blog sites have published responses to the events that have been broadly pro-monarchy.


Over at Liberal Conspiracy Chris Dillow has argued that monarchy is "great" and his reasons for thinking so are revealing. Tackling the case head-on he lists the qualities that might be thought to count against it - namely, that it is, in his words "irrational, out-of-date and absurd" - as qualities in its favour. The fact that it is these things shows not that monarchy is problematic but, apparently, that it is false to judge institutions by a criteria of rationality. This is hardly an argument, as is perhaps not to be expected by someone who has such a light opinion of rationality, as a suggestion that we look for other supports for institutions than reason alone. As such, it will be addressed in more detail below but, as a first thrust it is hardly successful alone without more detail. The second point made by Dillow is that Scandinavian societies,  Japan and the Netherlands are all generally better at producing more egalitarian outcomes and are all monarchies. This "correlation" hardly shows a causative connection but is instead again purely a suggestion, one whose real force is revealed in Dillow's point that monarchy shows that "luck" is as much a factor in life as "merit" and, in any case, that meritocracy alone has inherent flaws. To point to the potential flaws in meritocracy is one thing however, to use this to support a regime of inherited privilege is surely quite another. Dillow's third and final argument is that replacing the monarchy would lead to a head of state who would be chosen for individual qualities which would, apparently, be a bad thing as it would reinforce our "culture of ego" whereas, it appears, foisting upon us a family who exist in their role for no particular individual reasons but as simply as incarnations of it, is, apparently, better. This argument is bizarre on a number of levels. There is no reason why a president or elected head of state would have to be regarded in the way Dillow suggests. Has this happened for example in the Republic of Ireland, a case quite close to hand? Has it happened in Germany? Or in Italy? All examples of republics. The examples of France and the US are implied in Dillow's argument but not directly referred to but there is no reason at all why an elected head of state has to have anything like the positions in these cases. Further, to argue that it is better to have people fill a key role who have to have no discernible individual qualities is a completely strange argument. Perhaps we could extend this argument and replace all prominent positions with people who weren't chosen by such "modern" methods and have all the key roles filled by inheritance? Why not try feudalism in other words??


If Dillow's arguments were bad enough it is all the more depressing to find the position he articulated also followed in variant ways at the two other most prominent British "left" blogs. Over at Next Left Sunder Katwala, the current head of the Fabian Society, gives a biographical account of moving away from his youthful republican position. Katwala makes the general point that there appears to exist no democratic majority for a republican constitution in Britain. This is true enough if the evidence of polling is anything to go by but hardly gives a case for failing to campaign for such a change. Katwala then moves on to historical ground, claiming that no particular progressive change in Britain was prevented by the monarchy. Since it is, after all, a constitutional monarchy this is hardly surprising though it is does not detract from the point, grasped clearly enough by Dillow, that the institution does symbolize inequality in a direct way. Addressing the point that all the media apparently support monarchy so there is little chance of a republican case being put Katwala suggests this is purely a "commercial" decision which is odd since, by his own counting there are at least a substantial minority of republicans in the country so you'd think some budding media magnate might be interested in attracting their custom. Katwala also suggests that it is not irrational in itself to want to hold on to distinctive traditions, suggesting that he, unlike Dillow, doesn't lionise irrationality for its own sake. This appeal to tradition, like Dillow's appeal to other considerations than reason, deserves consideration at greater length. However, simply to cite it like this is, again, hardly more than to make a suggestive comment, not to make an argument. The core of Katwala's argument turns on an appeal to George Orwell who seemed to think that keeping monarchy wouldn't be such a bad thing. It is, however, true, as Katwala doesn't add, that Orwell was generally very conservative in quite a lot of his attitudes and if we adopted him as an overall guide we might find it necessary to follow examples that we would generally eschew.


Even Left Foot Forward which proudly declares its commitment to "evidence-based" politics has published a statement to the effect that there is no present mandate for a republic (as if that was news). To which it has added the claim that the battles that really matter should be fought, thus just leaving untouched the case that this is a battle that matters.


If all the three most prominent "left" blogs in the UK have published such pro-monarchy lines then it is clearly not a good or easy time to be a republican here. The arguments of Dillow and Katwala that really matter are those that appeal to sentiment and tradition. For here there really is a core argument. The basic point is that the institution of monarchy appeals to a sentimental view of politics in which some shining individuals can be lifted above the fray and still incarnate the essential qualities of the polity. That they do the latter is essential and was shown well in the ceremony, held in the state church and saluted by the Royal Air Force. Further, the basic refrain of the whole day concerned one of how good it is to be British! 


It is true that many people feel an emotional attachment to the Royal Family and that the continued existence of the monarchy depends on this attachment. However, there are equally strong feelings on the other side, some of us, for example, feel nothing but revulsion at the sight of the pompous display of these characters who truly are, as Dillow suggested, without individual qualities. What is there to celebrate about these non-entities who we are asked to admire and who reign over us with all the parade of power and the panoply of privilege? 


The tradition is the answer. Which tradition? The tradition of monarchical exclusivity? An exclusivity of birth that has nothing to support it other than its reference to its continuity. A continuity that is itself rather broken and fake as witness the arrival, rather recently in British history, of the current incumbent family, one of many to have held the role. The appeal to sentiment is at least respectable in the sense that anyone can feel moved by a wedding, a funeral or similar event. However, the ones held by these people are orchestrated displays of state power.


The Royal Family brings together in a unique way all the predominant prevailing tendencies of the society: Heterosexual Privilege (who is allowed to marry in any case?), the predominance of Family over all other personal ties, Religion, the Military, the Police, the Powers that Be, all brought together in a potent cocktail. And yet, somehow, the uncritical minds of the British left, the same people who present to us a campaign in favour of the Alternative Vote as a recipe for the increase of democracy, are unable to voice a protest against this vicious and potent presentation of institutional privilege. At the core of the family is the simple property of institutional inheritance taken to be a great and guiding principle, the very principle against which all who wish to define themselves as "progressive" should take to be the opposite of a desirable political principle. That the British left should have such leaders in this hour is a matter that is a disgrace and a cause for disgust.

Tuesday, 26 April 2011

The Case Against AV

Warning: posting possibly only of interest to UK readers!


There is coming up on the 5th May only the second referendum in recent times here. The last was held in 1975 on the issue of membership of the EU or "Common Market" as it was generally known then and, as in that case, so in the present one concerning the voting system for Westminster elections, the fact that there is a referendum at all is due to political circumstances of a peculiar sort. Back in the 1970s there was a lot of pressure for the referendum as it helped the governing Labour Party to face both ways on the issue at hand. Now the referendum on the voting system has come about as the price the Liberal Democrats extracted for forming a coalition with the Conservatives. In return the Liberals have "compromised" on a great deal as readers are doubtless aware.


In deciding on the way to vote in this ignobly produced referendum there are two major questions at stake. One concerns the effect of the result on the governing coalition and the other concerns the question of whether there is a genuine issue of principle at stake here that is worthy of a principled commitment. Some people, particularly those in the camp campaigning for a "yes" vote, have attempted to downplay the significance of the first question in order to concentrate on the second. This attempt is doomed to failure given the unpopularity of the coalition government. However, what divides opponents of the coalition when thinking about this question is what result would damage it more and this division is connected to how one understands the character of this government.


Essentially supporters of a "yes" vote have taken the view that the government is, in the terminology of the leadership of the Labour Party, a "Tory-led" government and that the main enemies are the Conservative Party, essentially leaving open possible future alliances with the Liberal Democrats. These considerations are assisted by a general agreement in principle on the part of the Labour leadership with the Liberal Democrats concerning the merits of changing the voting system. This is not a new kind of agreement either since the last Labour government had, as a major piece of its legislative programme, a commitment to constitutional reform that included the ending of hereditary peerages in the House of Lords, the creation of a new Supreme Court and devolved assemblies in Scotland and Wales, all matters on which there was agreement with the Liberal Democrats. When Labour came to power in 1997 there was a substantial increase in the representation of Liberal Democrats as well and the two, even at this date, shared a commitment to electoral reform, culminating in the establishment of a commission chaired by Lord Jenkins on the question. Labour in government however never advanced the agenda of electoral reform for reasons to do with their own internal politics.


So the first question to be addressed is why it is that there is such a general agreement between the Labour and Liberal Democrat leadership on this issue and why it has extended to the AV referendum debate? The basic core of the agreement is a shared commitment to the view that reform of political processes and constitutional niceties will increase the potential for enhanced democratic engagement in the country. During the campaign thus far the "yes" team have stretched this further declaring that the introduction of AV will "end" safe seats and put greater pressure on members of parliament to be more responsive to their constituents. These are partly factual and partly evaluative claims.


As factual claims there is little to support them. The proportion of seats that will be deemed "safe" is not generally thought likely to change a great deal. The claim concerning the increased pressure that will be placed on members of parliament by the introduction of AV is more of an evaluative than factual claim since it is hardly capable of factual assessment. The evaluative claim is, however, bound up with two other views, one of which is factual and surely wrong. These two other views are: a) that AV will help to produce more proportional outcomes and b) that it will be "better" for politics if representatives of the parties have to speak to a broader segment of the population than their "core" voters.


Looking at these two claims, the first is a factual claim and is simply wrong. There is nothing inherently proportional about AV as a system. As Caroline Lucas, leader of the Green Party, put it during the coalition negotiations last year, AV is in many respects "less proportional" than the current voting system in the UK, a claim that is understood by those who point to the fact that in cases of large majorities produced by one party, AV would have the distorting effect of increasing these majorities. This much was admitted by Chris Huhne, currently a Cabinet minister in the coalition, prior to the last election. The negotiations that set up the coalition never involved the Conservatives or Labour offering a proportional system so the Liberal Democrats got, in return for jettisoning large parts of their election manifesto, a commitment for a referendum on a system that is effectively no more proportional in its results than the current voting system.


If the factual claim concerning the effect of AV on members of parliament is bogus then what of the evaluative one? The core of this concerns the fact that it will be of interest to politicians to reach out beyond their core vote and try to win over voters from beyond their base thus ensuring that politicians will, apparently, be more amenable to compromise and more careful solutions. This is effectively the basis of alliance that exists in terms of political reform between the Labour leadership and the Liberal Democrats. The Labour leadership remains embarrassed by the attitudes of many of its voters and, although in 1997 in particular it was able to reach out to a large enough part of the electorate to take power after winning a large majority, it soon enough angered sufficient of them to govern from 2001 to 2010 in such a way that it lost both total vote share and its proportion of the electorate in every election thereafter.


There is a single basic reason why Labour reached the situation it did of progressively losing its hold on the electorate and eventually losing power. This is that it does not stand for anything that is particularly distinctive. The policies it pursued during its years in office were, as is usually the case, a mixed bag. However, what consistently alienated sections of the voting public were its basic tone-deafness on civil liberties, its lack of responsiveness to democratic pressure (as was signally evident in the case of the second Gulf War), its basically technocratic approach to politics and its deregulatory policies with regard to the financial system that contributed in their own way to the melt-down that occurred in 2008.


The general basis of this failure could be said to be grounded in the inherent resistance of the Labour Party to democracy. It is far from alone in this. The Conservatives have no more interest in democracy than Labour though they also rarely pretend otherwise. The whole "Big Society" nonsense of the current leadership is a way of stating that state money will in future be shared between a wider range of providers who will be expected to offer comparative advantages for such largesse to be distributed. It is not, and is not intended to be, about increased participation in decisions or even wider consultation concerning them.


This leaves the position of the Liberal Democrats. Officially they were committed to a proportional system but have settled for this non-proportional one as an outcome that they argue will unsettle the other major parties. Any hope anyone had, prior to the last election, in the ability of the Liberal Democrats to unsettle the major parties and produce more democratic involvement in politics is now surely gone. Their shabby deals, betrayal of principles and casual dismissal of large parts of their own electorate indicates the kinds of "compromises" they think would be part of any real "new politics". It is as shabby and unrepresentative as what is on offer from the major parties.


Given this situation what the debate about AV masks is the real democratic challenge. This is how to ensure that parties come into existence that are not, more or less in advance, merely representatives of different wings of the current plutocracy. Change in the voting system will make no difference to this one way or the other and is purely a technocratic solution to a deep problem. The Labour leadership and the Liberal Democrats are united in their commitment to such a covering over of the real democratic problem whilst the Conservatives have no interest in even bothering with it.


Returning to the considerations with which I opened the posting: it should be apparent that there is little to support the view that there is a principled issue at stake in the AV referendum. Supporters of the switch try to dismiss this argument, suggesting that whilst AV is not the system they would have chosen that it is better than the present one but I see little by way of evidence for this claim if it is viewed as factual and plenty to stand against it if it is viewed as an evaluative claim. Given this situation the more short-term question of the effect of the outcome on the coalition government seems to me of some importance.


In regard to this effect the question becomes which wing of the coalition one takes to be more reprehensible. Traditional Labour supporters tend to unequivocally believe that this is the Tories and so hope that a "yes" vote will harm Cameron. Possibly such an outcome would hurt Cameron but it would strengthen Clegg and his Liberal Democrats. "Yes" supporters claim that Clegg and the Liberal Democrats are already discredited. However the mandate to change the voting system would give them a solid basis to believe they had brought about a serious change to the constitution. This would reinvigorate the party that brought us a tripling of tuition fees, the abolition of the teaching grant to arts, humanities and social sciences in the universities, the scrapping of the educational maintenance allowance and a program of cuts across the UK. Yes, it was the Liberal Democrats who brought us all this as none of it could have been achieved without them. Further, they betrayed the prospect for political renewal they appeared to represent at the last election. There is also nothing inherently conservative about the present government as has been recognised by most commentators. In fact there are grounds for claiming that, economically, it is "led" by the liberals in the Cabinet of both parties. These factors put together, alongside the flaws in the argument suggesting there is anything especially useful in moving to AV, suggest to me a basic case for a "no" vote on the 5th May.